Control

»Every vow you break,
Every smi­le you fake,
Every cla­im you sta­ke,
I’ll be watching you.«

This ver­se from the song »Every Breath You Take« by the Eng­lish New-Wave band »The Poli­ce« is accom­pa­nied by a simp­le and cat­chy melo­dy. Someone listening to the text off-han­dedly might think he is listening to a very nor­mal love song. But in fact the song is about a per­son that is relent­less­ly con­trol­ling his own girl­fri­end. Sting, the sin­ger and bas­sist of the band, wro­te the song in 1982 at a time when his mar­ria­ge was in its last throws. He descri­bed his thoughts about the text of the song in an inter­view: »I did­n’t rea­li­se at the time how sini­ster it is. I think I was thin­king of Big Brot­her, sur­veil­lan­ce and con­trol.« The fee­ling of being con­trol­led at every turn, of having to dis­c­lo­se every secret, all the most pri­va­te thoughts, is undoub­ted­ly dreadful. »Total con­trol«, whe­ther it is bet­ween indi­vi­du­al peo­p­le or within a sta­te, is used again and again as a dra­ma­tic the­me in movies, com­pu­ter games, books and, yes, even songs.

Of cour­se for all that, con­trol is also a neces­sa­ry func­tion that is fun­da­men­tal to our indi­vi­du­al and social lives. In this sen­se, con­trol con­sists of all the visi­ble and invi­si­ble tech­ni­ques, stra­te­gies, methods and insti­tu­ti­ons that a socie­ty uti­li­zes to bring about cer­tain beha­viours in the popu­lace. The fami­ly, the school, the church, but also laws, traf­fic lights or even the time of day are forms of con­trol that ser­ve to disci­pli­ne peo­p­le. Seen in this light, con­trol enables an order­ly co-exi­stence among peo­p­le in a socie­ty. The­re is of cour­se ano­ther per­spec­ti­ve from which con­trol can be con­side­red, one that stems from the con­cept of power.

If someone knows some­thing about ano­ther per­son, he has power over him. It thus fol­lows that sur­veil­lan­ce is a means of attai­ning power and influence or, in a word, con­trol, which is the power to mana­ge people´s beha­viour. But the who­le enter­pri­se of sur­veil­ling and mana­ging requi­res that spe­ci­fic and rele­vant infor­ma­ti­on about per­sons be ascer­tai­ned. Sur­veil­lan­ce con­sists of a who­le palet­te of dif­fe­rent prac­ti­ces and pro­ce­du­res, from pure obser­va­ti­on to gathe­ring and recor­ding data and, final­ly, making iden­ti­fi­ca­ti­ons. The Bri­tish socio­lo­gist David Lyon sees sur­veil­lan­ce as »any coll­ec­tion and pro­ce­s­sing of per­so­nal data, whe­ther iden­ti­fia­ble or not, for the pur­po­ses of influen­cing or mana­ging tho­se who­se data have been gar­ne­red«.

What is clear is that the goal of sur­veil­lan­ce is to mana­ge beha­viour. A con­trol­ling aut­ho­ri­ty may use its influence to steer peo­p­le towards a cer­tain goal, towards thin­king and acting cer­tain ways. This can be done direct­ly through things like edu­ca­ti­on and legis­la­ti­on but can also be accom­plished in indi­rect ways like, for exam­p­le, through pro­pa­gan­da or adver­ti­sing. Moreo­ver, con­trol can also be exer­ted by iso­la­ting and sanc­tio­ning beha­viour that devia­tes from desi­red or accept­ed norms. A cri­mi­nal is sen­ten­ced to jail time or an enti­re coun­try has its Inter­net swit­ched off – as hap­pen­ed in 2011 during the Arab Spring in Egypt. In order to assess an instance of con­trol it is the­r­e­fo­re important to con­sider the frame­work within which it is being exer­ted. What pur­po­ses does the con­trol ser­ve? What kind of adver­se con­se­quen­ces are invol­ved? Does it seem to be mani­pu­la­ti­ve or sup­port­i­ve?

Con­trol has always been cor­re­la­ted with various forms of tech­no­lo­gy, the mate­ri­al instru­ments used for moni­to­ring and mana­ging. Loo­king back in human histo­ry it beco­mes appa­rent that the intro­duc­tion of any new means of com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on always brings new stra­te­gies of moni­to­ring and con­trol in its wake. Thus, for exam­p­le, in the mid-19th cen­tu­ry many Euro­pean count­ries pro­hi­bi­ted the use of encryp­ti­on methods when trans­mit­ting tele­gra­phic mes­sa­ges in order to main­tain super­vi­so­ry access to the con­tents. In Prus­sia, tele­graph com­pa­nies were even requi­red to make and save copies of every mes­sa­ge. Tech­no­lo­gi­cal moni­to­ring con­stant­ly has to be sup­ple­men­ted with new tech­ni­ques becau­se the mass of data that is being coll­ec­ted from various sources has to be ana­ly­sed and pro­ce­s­sed. An auto­ma­ted manage­ment system is requi­red. Fur­ther­mo­re, net­works lin­king dif­fe­rent moni­to­ring tech­ni­ques and con­trol methods are often crea­ted. Pic­tures from a sur­veil­lan­ce came­ra, for exam­p­le, can be rea­di­ly used in con­junc­tion with auto­ma­tic face-reco­gni­ti­on tech­no­lo­gy and algo­rith­mic com­pa­ri­sons to popu­la­ti­on regi­sters.

Govern­men­tal con­trol

The pro­to­ty­pi­cal exam­p­le of the exer­cise of con­trol – of moni­to­ring and mana­ging – is the sta­te. The ori­g­ins of modern day sta­te con­trol go back to the 17th and 18th cen­tu­ries, which was when the modern poli­ti­cal sta­te emer­ged. Short­ly after the dis­astrous expe­ri­en­ces of the Thir­ty Years War the idea that the sove­reign was respon­si­ble for the secu­ri­ty and well-being of his sub­jects beca­me wide­ly accept­ed. The sta­te beca­me the enti­ty that defi­nes the com­mon good of all citi­zens by enac­ting uni­ver­sal­ly valid laws and being the sole power for enfor­cing them. The French phi­lo­so­pher Michel Fou­cault has poin­ted out that the means employed for this have sub­se­quent­ly com­pri­sed a system made up of moni­to­ring, punis­hing and edu­ca­ting.

Sta­tes have con­ti­nu­al­ly defi­ned the com­mon good in dis­pa­ra­te ways. In libe­ral-demo­cra­tic sta­tes the man­ner in which the com­mon good and the rela­ted main­ten­an­ce of public order and safe­ty is achie­ved is sub­stan­ti­al­ly dif­fe­rent from that found in a dic­ta­tor­ship. Thus Natio­nal Socia­lism employed a racist ideo­lo­gy as the basis of the com­mon good while socia­li­stic regimes justi­fy their super­vi­so­ry powers with the dog­ma of the »dic­ta­tor­ship of the pro­le­ta­ri­at«. The mili­ta­ry, poli­ce or secu­ri­ty ser­vices are the tra­di­tio­nal govern­ment insti­tu­ti­ons for exer­ting con­trol irre­spec­ti­ve of their being a demo­cra­cy or dic­ta­tor­ship.

It was, for instance, Divi­si­on 26 of the Mini­stry of Sta­te Secu­ri­ty in the GDR (»MfS«) that was respon­si­ble for moni­to­ring the tele­pho­ne calls made by oppo­si­ti­on groups and per­sons. That agen­cy reli­ed main­ly on audio­tapes and, later, audio­cas­set­tes for its tech­ni­cal tele­pho­ne sur­veil­lan­ce but the tech­no­lo­gies for the ana­ly­sis and data manage­ment were not equal to the job. By the end of the 1980s »MfS« ana­lysts were hard­ly able to keep pace with the purely manu­al tran­scrip­ti­ons and eva­lua­tions of the wir­etap­ping tapes. This cir­cum­stance also illu­stra­tes an inher­ent pro­gres­si­on in the histo­ry of tech­no­lo­gi­cal sur­veil­lan­ce: As ever more com­plex and com­pre­hen­si­ve com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on net­works are deve­lo­ped, the num­ber of indi­vi­du­als that can be moni­to­red increa­ses as well until final­ly mass sur­veil­lan­ce is pos­si­ble.

Tech­no­lo­gies and pro­ce­du­res such as wir­etap­ping tele­pho­ne lines, iden­ti­fy­ing peo­p­le by means of bio­me­tric data, video sur­veil­lan­ce, data reten­ti­on, or the con­ti­nuous and unju­sti­fi­ed sur­veil­lan­ce of the Inter­net sin­ce the begin­ning of the 21st cen­tu­ry demon­stra­te the state´s cla­im to a mono­po­ly on com­pe­tence and omni­sci­ence. This cla­im beco­mes mani­fest every time the­re is a con­flict bet­ween the govern­men­tal man­da­te for both estab­li­shing secu­ri­ty and main­tai­ning civil rights.

The con­trol func­tion, howe­ver, not only works from top to bot­tom – from the sta­te down to its citi­zens – but rather in the rever­se as well. It is not unusu­al in libe­ral demo­cra­tic socie­ties for sin­gle indi­vi­du­als or civil socie­ty groups to beco­me the sur­veil­lants of the sur­veil­lants. Whe­ther this is accom­plished by rai­sing the awa­re­ness of the state´s trans­gres­si­ons of the law or by taking legal action against tho­se trans­gres­si­ons or by pro­test­ing against the misu­se of per­so­nal data: This »power from below« must be taken into account by a demo­cra­tic con­sti­tu­tio­nal sta­te. Thus, for exam­p­le, the estab­lish­ment of a legal basis for data pro­tec­tion in the Fede­ral Repu­blic of Ger­ma­ny was achie­ved through just this power.

Eco­no­mic con­trol

The sta­te with its secu­ri­ty and orga­nizatio­nal methods is, howe­ver, not the only play­er in the game of moni­to­ring and mana­ging. Com­mer­cial enter­pri­ses like­wi­se employ the stra­te­gies and tech­ni­ques of sur­veil­lan­ce in order to mana­ge the per­cep­ti­ons and beha­viour of con­su­mers. The job of »mar­ke­ting« is to offer pro­ducts and ser­vices for sale in such a way that con­su­mers per­cei­ve them as desi­ra­ble and wort­hwhile.

The rise of mar­ke­ting can be tra­ced back to the end of the 19th cen­tu­ry. The Indu­stri­al Revo­lu­ti­on brought with it far-rea­ching eco­no­mic and social chan­ges and faci­li­ta­ted a major expan­si­on in the mass pro­duc­tion of goods, which were dif­fe­ren­tia­ted by cer­tain design fea­tures. Cus­to­mers had more choices and com­pe­ti­ti­on bet­ween com­pa­nies increa­sed accor­din­gly. The­re was a gro­wing con­sen­sus among entre­pre­neurs that pro­ducts had to be posi­tio­ned in the mar­ket­place in such a way that cus­to­mers would refrain from choo­sing ano­ther com­pa­ra­ble pro­duct. Hence the next deca­des of the 20th cen­tu­ry saw the deve­lo­p­ment of mar­ke­ting stra­te­gies wher­eby the com­pa­nies con­cen­tra­ted their atten­ti­on spe­ci­fi­cal­ly on the cus­to­mer.

Com­pa­nies were bet­ter able to estab­lish methods for pro­mo­ting cus­to­mer loyal­ty by being bet­ter infor­med about con­su­mers through the ana­ly­sis of their buy­ing prac­ti­ces and their cre­dit wort­hi­ness based on empi­ri­cal rese­arch pro­ce­du­res, com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on stra­te­gies, mathe­ma­ti­cal pre­dic­ti­ve models and psy­cho­lo­gi­cal theo­ries. Tech­no­lo­gi­cal deve­lo­p­ments were cen­tral to this enter­pri­se. The sup­p­lan­ting of paper file cards by elec­tro­ni­cal­ly stored data in the second half of the 20th cen­tu­ry, as well as the incre­a­sing net­wor­king of infor­ma­ti­on tech­no­lo­gies, ope­ned up total­ly new pos­si­bi­li­ties for ana­ly­sis and pro­gno­ses in the com­mer­ce, finan­ce, insu­rance and human resour­ces manage­ment sec­tors.

One essen­ti­al method for deve­lo­ping cus­to­mer infor­ma­ti­on is social sort­ing, which David Lyon descri­bed in 1994 as the con­stant ongo­ing clas­si­fi­ca­ti­on and sort­ing of the popu­lace through the use of infor­ma­ti­on tech­no­lo­gy and algo­rith­ms based on per­so­nal data. Twen­ty years later, Lyon´s con­cep­ti­ons have beco­me rea­li­ty. The Inter­net and digi­ta­lizati­on have enab­led digi­tal sur­veil­lan­ce to beco­me near­ly ubi­qui­tous. Infor­ma­ti­on about things like age, gen­der, sexu­al ori­en­ta­ti­on, poli­ti­cal atti­tu­de, reli­gious con­vic­tion or even drug addic­tion and alco­ho­lism is auto­ma­ti­cal­ly gene­ra­ted when someone sim­ply clicks a »Like« on Face­book. While more and more devices and objects are equip­ped with sen­sors that record user beha­viour, com­pa­nies con­ti­n­ue to deve­lop even more fields of appli­ca­ti­on and expan­ded busi­ness models. »Big Data«, which refers to the con­so­li­da­ted tech­ni­ques of auto­ma­ted ana­ly­sis and eva­lua­ti­on of enorm­ous amounts of data, enables com­pa­nies to crea­te per­so­na­li­ty pro­files for indi­vi­du­als sim­ply from records of their dai­ly beha­viour pat­terns, pre­fe­ren­ces and dis­li­kes.

This infor­ma­ti­on leads to indi­vi­dua­li­zed offers and dif­fe­ren­tia­ted pri­ces that are geared to the consumer´s pro­fi­le, wher­eby the com­pa­nies are inde­ed capa­ble of con­trol­ling and stee­ring the per­cep­ti­on of users. The Ame­ri­can lawy­er Micha­el Fer­tik has shown that this dyna­mic has alre­a­dy resul­ted in the rich having a much dif­fe­rent expe­ri­ence of the Inter­net than the poor. Thus, for exam­p­le, Apple com­pu­ter users will be shown hig­her hotel pri­ces than users of che­a­per brands. The poten­ti­al for dis­cri­mi­na­ti­on in vital mat­ters like cre­dit wort­hi­ness, heal­th­ca­re, work and insu­rance is cle­ar­ly a real dan­ger. The com­pa­nies´ com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on and infor­ma­ti­on chan­nels that users find so con­ve­ni­ent are in fact anything but neu­tral. Com­pa­nies, it turns out, are sole­ly moti­va­ted by eco­no­mic con­cerns and are only accoun­ta­ble to the prin­ci­ple of maxi­mi­zing pro­fit.

Self con­trol

The indi­vi­du­al per­son is not only an object of con­trol. In many ways the indi­vi­du­al can also be an agent of con­trol, of moni­to­ring and mana­ging, as well. This obser­va­ti­on led the French phi­lo­so­pher Gil­les Deleu­ze to his idea of the »Socie­ties of Con­trol«, in which the indi­vi­du­al is also a con­trol­ler and every situa­ti­on is poten­ti­al­ly a con­trol situa­ti­on. Indi­vi­du­als not only con­trol their fel­low humans but them­sel­ves as well: Peo­p­le crea­te an effec­ti­ve public image of their own per­so­na­li­ty. They then use the resul­ting image, which is also being con­ti­nuous­ly rene­wed, to gui­de and con­trol the per­cep­ti­ons that others have of them. This public self-image is used to pro­cla­im one´s own uni­que­ness and to assu­re one´s mem­ber­ship in a par­ti­cu­lar group while also being the means of con­vin­cing others about ones­elf and one´s own view­point.

This is cle­ar­ly illu­stra­ted by the dif­fe­rent forums and plat­forms requi­red for the dis­se­mi­na­ti­on of one´s own image in the public sphe­re. In pre-digi­tal times, let­ters-to-the-edi­tor wri­ters expres­sed their self-image and their views in the prin­ted news­pa­per while today peo­p­le have social net­works like Face­book in which they can stage-mana­ge and over­see their pubic self-image and effec­tively con­trol the way it is per­cei­ved. Or take the plat­forms of the Quan­ti­fi­ed Self move­ment: The sen­sor-con­trol­led moni­to­ring of one´s own body pro­du­ces volu­mes of data that are wil­lingly being shared. What in the past was expli­ci­t­ly pri­va­te is now made available for public eva­lua­ti­on. Here it is no lon­ger the sta­te, the school or the church alo­ne that insist on con­for­mance with the norm, but rather the indi­vi­du­al hims­elf that disci­pli­nes his own beha­viour to com­ply to a given set of norms, many of which have been estab­lished by the mar­ket­place. Self-con­trol with regard to the indi­vi­du­al ther­eby appears as a key socie­ty-buil­ding prac­ti­ce.

And what about tech­no­lo­gy? The deve­lo­p­ment of new tech­no­lo­gies has an enorm­ous influence on the mul­ti­face­ted social as well as indi­vi­du­al con­trol situa­tions. A self-rein­for­cing dyna­mic under­lies the power of tech­no­lo­gy to exert influence. Tech­no­lo­gy crea­tes new needs and ther­eby initia­tes a trans­for­ma­ti­on in the hand­ling of per­so­nal data and pri­va­cy. Con­trol – moni­to­ring and mana­ging – is ther­eby direct­ly con­nec­ted to the tech­no­lo­gi­cal dis­rup­ti­on curr­ent­ly taking place, the digi­tal revo­lu­ti­on. In other words, the new digi­tal tech­no­lo­gies can­not func­tion wit­hout brin­ging con­trol pro­ce­du­res in their wake. To be sure, all tech­ni­ques of con­trol – regard­less of whe­ther they stem from sta­te or eco­no­mic insti­tu­ti­ons – are con­stant­ly being put under legal rest­ric­tions in demo­cra­ci­es in order to pre­vent the scope of con­trol situa­tions from beco­ming total. But that is not enough; it is also impe­ra­ti­ve that every per­son lear­ns new coping stra­te­gies for deal­ing with the public infor­ma­ti­on sphe­re in order to be able to act as a digi­tal­ly com­pe­tent citi­zen and con­su­mer.


Published in: Stif­tung Deut­sches Tech­nik­mu­se­um Ber­lin (Ed.): Net Mat­ters. 30 Sto­ries. From Tele­graph Cables to Data Glas­ses, Ber­lin 2018.
Trans­la­ti­on: Bar­ry Fay, Lost in Trans­la­ti­on
Illu­stra­ti­on: Poly­graph Design


Lite­ra­tu­re:

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